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Sunday, 16 June 2013

Aung San








Was Aung San a Minlaung?

 Was Aung San a charismatic leader in a Western sense, or was he a uniquely Burmese creature who used concepts deeply rooted in the Burmese psyche and worldview?
I actually had to look up charisma. The word is used so frequently that I wanted to know if I was understanding it properly. The website: oxfordictionaries.com, had this to say on charisma:

Definition of charisma
Noun
1 [mass noun] compelling attractiveness or charm that can inspire devotion in others: he has tremendous charisma and stage presence
2 (plural charismata /kəˈrɪzmətə/) a divinely conferred power or talent.
Origin:
Mid17th century (in charisma (sense 2)): via ecclesiastical Latin from Greek kharisma, from kharis 'favour, grace'

And this definition certainly seems to describe Aung San.

In their essay “The Rise and Role of Charismatic Leaders” published in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science in 1965, Ann and Dorothy Wilner argue that charismatic leaders are more likely to arise in periods of intense change, in times of transition where the established order is being supplanted by a new order that hasn’t quite fully come into being. Charismatic leaders according to the Wilner’s are leaders who are without exception unifying figures. They co-opt cultural symbols. They have the ability to inspire love. Even their enemies admit to succumbing to their appeal. In a Burmese context this is true of the Minlaung, the Righteous King. It is certainly true of Aung San, every author I examined, from Viscount Field Marshal Slim to Maung-Maung, without exception remarks on Aung San’s charm[1]. Even in the midst of criticising other traits such as arrogance, these men observed that Aung San possessed a deep charisma. The Minlaung, holds a deeply central place in the Burmese concept of politics[2]. The Minlaung appear regularly in Burmese history, every time a dynasty begins to lose its hold on power, a Minlaung arises to set things straight again, they are part of the natural order of things. Far from being a relic of the past, the Minlaung is still a powerful force in Burmese politics into the 21st Century[3].

What isn’t mentioned by the Wilner’s as a characteristic of charismatic leadership and certainly applies to Aung San, is his extraordinary intelligence. Aung San was one of the intellectual elite in the Burma of his time. Only Aung San’s political activities prevented him from completing his studies at the University of Rangoon. Had Aung San not fallen in love with politics, and in particular independence politics, he was assured of a leading role in Burma.

In “Burma: A Socialist Nation in S.E Asia”, Steinberg remarks that Aung San was viewed by some of his followers as a reincarnation of King Alaungpaya who ruled Burma between 1714 and 1760[4]. I found this deeply curious until I researched Alaungpaya.  Alaungpaya it turns out happens to be the Burmese equivalent of the Siamese monarch Chulangkorn the Great[5], who ruled between 1868 and 1910. Chulangkorn is the monarch who succeeded in avoiding Siam being colonised by the Western powers Britain and France and brought much of what is modern Thailand under the governance of Bangkok.  Alaungpaya not only founded the last dynasty in Burma, he also expelled the British in their first attempt at controlling Burma and excluded the French permanently.

The similarities between Alaungpaya and Aung San are obvious. Both of them expel the foreign coloniser, which in both cases happened to be the British, and they both unify Burma, or in Aung Sans’ case, making an effort to. Both were from relatively humble backgrounds and both of them were militarily successful. Both are remarked on for the depth of their charisma. Both emerge in a time of change. With the connection to Alaungpaya, Aung San is directly connected to the last time the Burmese were powerful and independent. At the time of his death Aung San was involved in trying to bring the ethnic minorities into the fold of a unified Burma. He is a centralising figure who is directly connected to a glorious past.

This seemed as far as the connection would go. At the point where I was about to throw my hands up in frustration at just where this essay wasn’t going, I came across an essay by Susanne Prager that tied Aung San into an aspect of Burmese culture that I have hitherto been ignorant of, and it changed everything. In her essay “The Coming of the "Future King": Burmese Minlaung Expectations Before and During the Second World War” published in the Journal of Burma Studies Volume 8 in 2003, Prager writes of a Burmese prophecy that British rule would end and that a “future or righteous king” would arise, we have already met this person and he is called the Minlaung.  

In 1939, a certain verse was very popular in Rangoon, perhaps the British knew of it, if they did, they apparently didn’t understand it.  The version of it in Prager’s essay is below.

And on the lake a Brah’miny duck alights
When with a bow a hunter bold, he killed it;
The umbrella rod laid low the hunter bold
But the rod by Thunderbolt was struck.

Prager writes that the verse was pregnant with Millenarian symbolism, with the lake being the Burmese Kingdom of Ava, the duck being the Burmese ethnic group the Mon who had been a major power in the South-east Asian mainland, the hunter being no less than Alaungpaya, last two lines of this short verse referred to the British who are the umbrella rod and that a thunderbolt was about to lay them low. Little wonder that when the Japanese invaded and rapidly vanquished the British, that they were viewed as the thunderbolt. The point is, that in 1939 the Burmese were viewing British rule as an event that was about to end. A view that no doubt caused much amusement in the halls of colonial power in Rangoon and beyond, for the British had no plans to leave Burma. In this Millenarian world view, the appearance of the Minlaung was only a matter of time. In fact he was not only expected, if anything, he was late. The portents for the appearance of the Minlaung were everywhere, the rice crops were failing, the countryside was in disorder, the peasants were becoming homeless, morals were collapsing and the Sangha and Buddhism were in decline. The Minlaung was about to set aright what was awry.

As if the above was not enough, there were events happening in Burma that were a great deal more pregnant with change and symbolism than the British apparently realised. An entire culture was in the process of orientating itself towards their expulsion.
Whereas the newly established alliance was called “Freedom Bloc” in the English language, in Burmese it was called Htwet Yat Gaing, “Association of the Way Out.” This term alluded to a prevailing omen about the impending arrival of a magician, weikza Bo Bo Aung, who was supposed to help the Burmese in driving out the British and who would finally enthrone the Minlaung, the king to-come. After a public meeting of the Freedom Bloc in June 1940 in Mandalay, many Burmese testified that Bo Bo Aung had already revealed himself in the famous Mahamuni Pagoda (Ba Maw1968:93).

I believe that the name of the association is deeply significant. It operates on at least two different levels. The first level, as Prager argues above, is the level that is directly connected with the Minlaung, the other level is the implication that this association was The Way Out….of British Rule. That it is tied into the Minlaung prophecy only deepened the level of significance of the association for the Burmese and the depth of grief that was about to befall the British in Burma. To put it simply, the British were about to have a prophecy fall on them. I am left wondering whether the Japanese in a way actually did the British a favour by expelling them from Burma in a relatively tidy fashion when they invaded, for the impending revolt by large sections of the Burman population would have been messy to say the least.


We must remind ourselves that the Burmese in common with other Buddhist cultures, view time as cyclical, not linear. Understanding this is crucial to understanding events in Burmese history and it is not uncommon for non-Buddhist Westerners to experience difficulties with understanding time as being something other than linear. The Buddhist teaching of Anicca (Impermanence) means that dynasties, even foreign ones, are viewed in Buddhism and Buddhist cultures as ephemeral things. They come, they go. They arise, grow old and die, just like everything else. The colonial rule of the British was, in Burmese eyes, fated to end even as it was beginning. The British would come, and they would go, and the Burmese and their culture would remain.

 Another aspect of Buddhism that we must remember, and it is directly related to Aung San, Alaungpaya and the Minlaung prophecy, is the Buddhist teaching on Rebirth/Reincarnation. In Buddhism it is entirely logical and possible that you could have been in a past life someone such as King Alaungpaya. It was entirely logical and possible that Aung San could be/ could have been Alaungpaya. Theravada Buddhism teaches that it is possible to remember our past lifetimes. Alaungpaya himself as it happens, was a Minlaung.

Prager writes that the Nationalists in Burma actively co-opted the Minlaung for their own ends. Every action undertaken by Burmese Nationalists according to Prager, must be seen through this lens. Aung San and the Nationalists in Burma made calculated use of the Minlaung prophecy and were careful to be seen behaving in accordance with Burmese expectations and traditions associated with the prophecy. The formation of the “Thirty Comrades” was meant to fulfil the Minlaung prophecy. The blood drinking ceremony were loyalty is sworn, is a classic Minlaung tradition. Even the presence of a cadre of blood tied band of brothers is a Minlaung symbol. That Aung San and the Thirty Comrades left Burma and returned with the Japanese Army didn’t adversely affect the prophecy. What mattered to the Burmese was that they were Burmese fighting for Burmese independence.

According to Prager, Aung San went one step further and explicitly identified with the prophecy and presented himself as embodying the essence of the Minlaung. Aung San also identified himself as the current rebirth of King Alaungpaya (something it must be noted that his daughter cannot do, as she was alive at the time her father died. Su Kyi, however has been identified as another deeply powerful Buddhist concept. She has been identified as a Bodhisattva[6]). In Burmese terms, Aung San wrapped himself in a cloak made from two very potent threads of Burmese culture. Not only was he a Minlaung coming to restore order to Burma, he was also the last successful Minlaung returning to once again free his people from the British. Which of course with the help of the Japanese, he duly did. Aung San and the Burmese Nationalists took great care to fulfil and to be seen as fulfilling every aspect of the Minlaung. They very much wanted to be seen as fulfilling the verse I quoted earlier. We can imagine the utter potency of this to the average Burman. Aung San is not only a Minlaung which whilst important in a Burmese context, are hardly rare, he is also the embodiment of a man the Burmese looked back on with affection and pride, Alaungpaya was the last strong Burmese ruler…and he had returned for his people in their hour of need. I am left wondering whether the British ever stood a chance against such a man.

Now I will wrap this essay up. In it I have shown that Aung San was a charismatic leader, as defined by Anne and Ruth Wilner. Aung San essentially ticks all the boxes that the Wilner’s defined charismatic leaders as, in that he arose as a leader in a time of deep change, he co-opted cultural symbols, in this case the Minlaung and King Alaungpaya and he concentrated power into himself. The charismatic leader according to the Wilner’s is essential to the success of change and not too many of them are democrats by nature. Aung San is nowhere recorded as being what would be regarded in the West as a democrat[7]. What Aung San is, is a uniquely Burmese example of a charismatic leader, he was a Minlaung. At that point in time he was a completely new form of grief for the British, in that he was Western educated, understood modern Western politics and used deeply Burmese concepts in his efforts to remove the British from Burma.  Aung San stood astride two very different world views and used them brilliantly to achieve his goal of Burmese independence. Aung San was a charismatic leader, a Minlaung par excellence.

With this I give this essay into your gentle hands.



References
Aung-Thwin. M “The Return of the Galon King: History, Law and Rebellion in Colonial Burma”.
Baker. C and Phongpaichit. P “A History of Thailand”.
 Maung-Maung “Aung San of Burma”.
McCarthy. S “The Buddhist Political Rhetoric of Aung San Su Kyi” page 78 of Contemporary Buddhism: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Published online February 17 2007
Prager. S  The Coming of the "Future King": Burmese Minlaung Expectations Before and During the Second World War” published in the Journal of Burma Studies Volume 8 in 2003.
Slim. Field Marshal Sir William “Defeat into Victory”.
Smith. M “Burma: Insurgency and The Politics of Ethnicity”.
Steinberg. D “Burma: A Socialist Nation in S.E Asia”.
Steinberg. D “Burma: What Everyone Needs to Know”



[1] Slim. Field Marshal Sir William “Defeat into Victory” pages 500-5. Maung-Maung “Aung San of Burma” pages 5-15.
[2] Aung-Thwin. M “The Return of the Galon King: History, Law and Rebellion in Colonial Burma”.
[3] Smith. M “Burma: Insurgency and The Politics of Ethnicity” page 455
[4] Steinberg. D “Burma: A Socialist Nation in S.E Asia” page 114
[5] Baker. C and Phongpaichit. P “A History of Thailand” pages 52-8.
[6] McCarthy. S “The Buddhist Political Rhetoric of Aung San Su Kyi” page 78 of Contemporary Buddhism: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Published online February 17 2007
[7] Steinberg. D “Burma: What Everyone Needs to Know” page 142.

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